2023考研英語(yǔ)閱讀性別選擇

　　Sex selection

　　性別選擇

　　Unnatural Selection: Choosing Boys Over Girls, andthe Consequences of a World Full of Men. By MaraHvistendahl. Public Affairs; 314 pages; $26.99 and?17.99.

　　《非自然選擇：選男不選女和世界擠滿(mǎn)男人的后果》。馬拉?赫弗斯坦托爾。公共事務(wù)出版社; 共314頁(yè); 價(jià)格為$ 26.99美元和17.99英鎊。

　　AS HE walked into the maternity ward of Lok Nayak Jayaprakash Narayan Hospital in Delhi onhis first day at work in 1978, Puneet Bedi, a medical student, saw a cat bound past him with abloody blob dangling from its mouth. What was that thingwet with blood, mangled, aboutthe size of Bedis fist? he remembers thinking. Before long it struck him. Near the bed, in atray normally reserved for disposing of used instruments, lay a fetus of five or six months,soaking in a pool of bloodHe told a nurse, then a doctor, I saw a cat eat a fetus. Nobody onduty seemed concerned, however. Mara Hvistendahl, a writer at Science magazine, isprofoundly concerned, both about the fact that abortion was treated so casually, and thereason. Why had the fetus not been disposed of more carefully? A nurses explanation cameout cold. Because it was a girl.

　　1978年，普尼特?貝迪還是名醫(yī)學(xué)院學(xué)生，當(dāng)他上班第一天走進(jìn)德里人民領(lǐng)導(dǎo)杰布里卡什?納拉揚(yáng)醫(yī)院的產(chǎn)科病房時(shí)，看見(jiàn)一只貓 嘴里叼著一個(gè)血淋淋東西快速經(jīng)過(guò)他身邊跑掉了。那是什么東西---濕淋淋，血肉模糊的，大約貝迪的拳頭大小?他想著記起來(lái)了。不久，他被震驚了?？吹酱策呁ǔＡ糁鵀榍謇硎褂眠^(guò)的手術(shù)工具的一個(gè)托盤(pán)里放著一個(gè)五六個(gè)月的胎兒，浸泡在血液里他先告訴護(hù)士，然后醫(yī)生，我看到了貓正在吃胎兒。然而，值班的人似乎并不關(guān)心?！犊茖W(xué)雜志》的作家馬拉?赫弗斯坦托爾既深刻地關(guān)注著隨便對(duì)待墮胎的事實(shí)，也深刻關(guān)注墮胎的理由。為什么胎兒不能小心地處理呢?護(hù)士冷冷地解釋到，因?yàn)槟鞘莻€(gè)女孩。

　　Sex-selective abortion is one of the largest, least noticed disasters in the world. Thoughconcentrated in China and India, it is practised in rich and poor countries and in Buddhist,Hindu, Christian and Muslim societies alike. Because of males greater vulnerability to childhooddisease, nature ensures that 105 boys are born for every 100 girls, so the sexes will be equalat marriageable age. Yet Chinas sex ratio is 120 boys per 100 girls; Indias is 109 to 100.

　　性別選擇性墮胎是這個(gè)世界上最大的災(zāi)難之一，然而受到的關(guān)注卻最少。雖然大部分集中在中國(guó)和印度，不過(guò)，無(wú)論是富國(guó)還是窮國(guó)，無(wú)論是佛教，印度教還是穆斯林社會(huì)，都在為這項(xiàng)災(zāi)難添磚加瓦。因?yàn)槟行愿菀资艿絻和膊〉挠绊?，自然出生確保了每100個(gè)女孩出生就有105個(gè)男孩，所以性別比例在結(jié)婚年齡時(shí)會(huì)達(dá)到持平。然而，中國(guó)的性別比例是每出生100個(gè)女孩有120個(gè)男孩;印度的性別比例為100個(gè)女孩比109個(gè)男孩。

　　The usual view of why this should be stresses traditional son preference in South and EastAsia. Families wanted a son to bear the family name, to inherit property and to carry outfunerary duties. Ms Hvistendahl has little truck with this account, which fails to explain whysome of the richest, most outward-looking parts of India and China have the most skewed sexratios. According to her account, sex-selection technologies were invented in the West, adoptedthere as a population-control measure and exported to East Asia by Western aid donors andAmerican military officials.

　　男女比例為什么失衡，人們普遍觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為東南亞人強(qiáng)調(diào)傳統(tǒng)的重男輕女思想。家庭需要兒子來(lái)傳宗接代，繼承財(cái)產(chǎn)以及養(yǎng)老送終的職責(zé)。赫弗斯坦托爾女士的看法跟這個(gè)敘述幾乎毫無(wú)共通之處。因?yàn)樵摂⑹鲞€是未能解釋為什么印度和中國(guó)一些最富裕的，最開(kāi)放的地方性別比例最不正常。根據(jù)她的解釋?zhuān)詣e選擇技術(shù)是在西方發(fā)明并被作為人 口控制措施而采用的，而且被西方援助者和美國(guó)軍官傳播到了東亞。

　　The ultrasound and other technologies that identifythe sex of a fetus started out as diagnostic devicesto help people with sex-linked diseases, such ashaemophilia, conceive healthy children. They weregreeted rapturously in America in the 1960s. Ultrasound Device Takes Guessing Out ofPregnancy ran one headline. Control of Life:Audacious Experiments Promise Decades of AddedLife ran another.

　　在開(kāi)始的時(shí)候，確認(rèn)胎兒性別的超聲波掃描和其它技術(shù)是作為診斷設(shè)備來(lái)幫助有伴性遺傳的病人幫助孕育健康兒童，如血友病。美國(guó)20世紀(jì)60年代，這些技術(shù)得到了狂熱的歡迎。報(bào)紙刊登標(biāo)題為超聲波設(shè)備使得懷孕期間無(wú)需再猜的文章。另一篇文章為生命控制：大膽創(chuàng)新的實(shí)驗(yàn)有望為人類(lèi)增壽幾十年。

　　But 1960s America was also a period of growing concern about population indeveloping countries. Policymakers, demographers and military men all thought rapidpopulation growth was the biggest single threat to mankind and that drastic measures wouldbe needed to rein it in. One such figure was Paul Ehrlich, whose book, The Population Bomb,became a bestseller in 1968. Mr Ehrlich pointed out that some Indian and Chinese parentswould go on having daughter after daughter until the longed-for son arrived. If, he argued,they could be guaranteed a son right away, those preliminary daughters would not be born, andpopulation growth would be lower. Sex selection became a tool in a wider battle to stopoverpopulation.

　　但20世紀(jì)60年代的美國(guó)也是日益關(guān)注發(fā)展中國(guó)家人口的階段。政策制定者，人口學(xué)家和軍人都認(rèn)為快速的人口增長(zhǎng)是人類(lèi)的最大威脅，并將需要采取極端措施來(lái)嚴(yán)格控制。保羅?埃爾利希就是這樣一位人物。1968年，他的《人口炸彈》成了暢銷(xiāo)書(shū)。埃爾利希先生指出，印度和中國(guó)的一些父母在生了一個(gè)個(gè)女兒之后是不會(huì)停止生育的，直到他們想要的兒子出生為止。他認(rèn)為，假如他們能被立馬保證會(huì)生一個(gè)兒子，那么，那些起先出生的女兒就不會(huì)出生了，因而人口增長(zhǎng)率就會(huì)降低。性別選擇在阻止更廣泛的人口過(guò)剩的斗爭(zhēng)中成了一項(xiàng)工具。

　　But how did an obsession of Western policymakers turn into the widespread practice ofdestroying female fetuses in Asia? Partly, argues Ms Hvistendahl, through aid. The Ford andRockefeller Foundations gave over $3m to the All-India Institute of Medical Sciences inthe 1960s, helping it to pioneer Indias first amniocentesis tests, initially for geneticabnormalities and later for identifying fetal sex. India at that time was the World Banks biggestclient, and the bank made loans for health projects conditional on population control.

　　然而，西方政策制定者們的癡迷如何轉(zhuǎn)變成了破害亞洲女性胎兒的普遍做法呢?赫弗斯坦托爾女士認(rèn)為，在一定程度上是通過(guò)對(duì)外援助來(lái)達(dá)到這點(diǎn)的。20世紀(jì)60年代，美國(guó)福特和洛克菲勒基金會(huì)向全印醫(yī)學(xué)科學(xué)研究所提供了300萬(wàn)美元，幫助該研究所創(chuàng)辦了印度首次羊膜穿刺檢查，開(kāi)始是為遺傳異常檢查，后來(lái)則為鑒別胎兒性別檢查。那時(shí)，印度是世界銀行最大的客戶(hù)，而世界銀行衛(wèi)生項(xiàng)目貸款條件就是人口控制。

　　Sex selection

　　性別選擇

　　Unnatural Selection: Choosing Boys Over Girls, andthe Consequences of a World Full of Men. By MaraHvistendahl. Public Affairs; 314 pages; $26.99 and?17.99.

　　《非自然選擇：選男不選女和世界擠滿(mǎn)男人的后果》。馬拉?赫弗斯坦托爾。公共事務(wù)出版社; 共314頁(yè); 價(jià)格為$ 26.99美元和17.99英鎊。

　　AS HE walked into the maternity ward of Lok Nayak Jayaprakash Narayan Hospital in Delhi onhis first day at work in 1978, Puneet Bedi, a medical student, saw a cat bound past him with abloody blob dangling from its mouth. What was that thingwet with blood, mangled, aboutthe size of Bedis fist? he remembers thinking. Before long it struck him. Near the bed, in atray normally reserved for disposing of used instruments, lay a fetus of five or six months,soaking in a pool of bloodHe told a nurse, then a doctor, I saw a cat eat a fetus. Nobody onduty seemed concerned, however. Mara Hvistendahl, a writer at Science magazine, isprofoundly concerned, both about the fact that abortion was treated so casually, and thereason. Why had the fetus not been disposed of more carefully? A nurses explanation cameout cold. Because it was a girl.

　　1978年，普尼特?貝迪還是名醫(yī)學(xué)院學(xué)生，當(dāng)他上班第一天走進(jìn)德里人民領(lǐng)導(dǎo)杰布里卡什?納拉揚(yáng)醫(yī)院的產(chǎn)科病房時(shí)，看見(jiàn)一只貓 嘴里叼著一個(gè)血淋淋東西快速經(jīng)過(guò)他身邊跑掉了。那是什么東西---濕淋淋，血肉模糊的，大約貝迪的拳頭大小?他想著記起來(lái)了。不久，他被震驚了。看到床邊通常留著為清理使用過(guò)的手術(shù)工具的一個(gè)托盤(pán)里放著一個(gè)五六個(gè)月的胎兒，浸泡在血液里他先告訴護(hù)士，然后醫(yī)生，我看到了貓正在吃胎兒。然而，值班的人似乎并不關(guān)心?！犊茖W(xué)雜志》的作家馬拉?赫弗斯坦托爾既深刻地關(guān)注著隨便對(duì)待墮胎的事實(shí)，也深刻關(guān)注墮胎的理由。為什么胎兒不能小心地處理呢?護(hù)士冷冷地解釋到，因?yàn)槟鞘莻€(gè)女孩。

　　Sex-selective abortion is one of the largest, least noticed disasters in the world. Thoughconcentrated in China and India, it is practised in rich and poor countries and in Buddhist,Hindu, Christian and Muslim societies alike. Because of males greater vulnerability to childhooddisease, nature ensures that 105 boys are born for every 100 girls, so the sexes will be equalat marriageable age. Yet Chinas sex ratio is 120 boys per 100 girls; Indias is 109 to 100.

　　性別選擇性墮胎是這個(gè)世界上最大的災(zāi)難之一，然而受到的關(guān)注卻最少。雖然大部分集中在中國(guó)和印度，不過(guò)，無(wú)論是富國(guó)還是窮國(guó)，無(wú)論是佛教，印度教還是穆斯林社會(huì)，都在為這項(xiàng)災(zāi)難添磚加瓦。因?yàn)槟行愿菀资艿絻和膊〉挠绊懀匀怀錾_保了每100個(gè)女孩出生就有105個(gè)男孩，所以性別比例在結(jié)婚年齡時(shí)會(huì)達(dá)到持平。然而，中國(guó)的性別比例是每出生100個(gè)女孩有120個(gè)男孩;印度的性別比例為100個(gè)女孩比109個(gè)男孩。

　　The usual view of why this should be stresses traditional son preference in South and EastAsia. Families wanted a son to bear the family name, to inherit property and to carry outfunerary duties. Ms Hvistendahl has little truck with this account, which fails to explain whysome of the richest, most outward-looking parts of India and China have the most skewed sexratios. According to her account, sex-selection technologies were invented in the West, adoptedthere as a population-control measure and exported to East Asia by Western aid donors andAmerican military officials.

　　男女比例為什么失衡，人們普遍觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為東南亞人強(qiáng)調(diào)傳統(tǒng)的重男輕女思想。家庭需要兒子來(lái)傳宗接代，繼承財(cái)產(chǎn)以及養(yǎng)老送終的職責(zé)。赫弗斯坦托爾女士的看法跟這個(gè)敘述幾乎毫無(wú)共通之處。因?yàn)樵摂⑹鲞€是未能解釋為什么印度和中國(guó)一些最富裕的，最開(kāi)放的地方性別比例最不正常。根據(jù)她的解釋?zhuān)詣e選擇技術(shù)是在西方發(fā)明并被作為人 口控制措施而采用的，而且被西方援助者和美國(guó)軍官傳播到了東亞。

　　The ultrasound and other technologies that identifythe sex of a fetus started out as diagnostic devicesto help people with sex-linked diseases, such ashaemophilia, conceive healthy children. They weregreeted rapturously in America in the 1960s. Ultrasound Device Takes Guessing Out ofPregnancy ran one headline. Control of Life:Audacious Experiments Promise Decades of AddedLife ran another.

　　在開(kāi)始的時(shí)候，確認(rèn)胎兒性別的超聲波掃描和其它技術(shù)是作為診斷設(shè)備來(lái)幫助有伴性遺傳的病人幫助孕育健康兒童，如血友病。美國(guó)20世紀(jì)60年代，這些技術(shù)得到了狂熱的歡迎。報(bào)紙刊登標(biāo)題為超聲波設(shè)備使得懷孕期間無(wú)需再猜的文章。另一篇文章為生命控制：大膽創(chuàng)新的實(shí)驗(yàn)有望為人類(lèi)增壽幾十年。

　　But 1960s America was also a period of growing concern about population indeveloping countries. Policymakers, demographers and military men all thought rapidpopulation growth was the biggest single threat to mankind and that drastic measures wouldbe needed to rein it in. One such figure was Paul Ehrlich, whose book, The Population Bomb,became a bestseller in 1968. Mr Ehrlich pointed out that some Indian and Chinese parentswould go on having daughter after daughter until the longed-for son arrived. If, he argued,they could be guaranteed a son right away, those preliminary daughters would not be born, andpopulation growth would be lower. Sex selection became a tool in a wider battle to stopoverpopulation.

　　但20世紀(jì)60年代的美國(guó)也是日益關(guān)注發(fā)展中國(guó)家人口的階段。政策制定者，人口學(xué)家和軍人都認(rèn)為快速的人口增長(zhǎng)是人類(lèi)的最大威脅，并將需要采取極端措施來(lái)嚴(yán)格控制。保羅?埃爾利希就是這樣一位人物。1968年，他的《人口炸彈》成了暢銷(xiāo)書(shū)。埃爾利希先生指出，印度和中國(guó)的一些父母在生了一個(gè)個(gè)女兒之后是不會(huì)停止生育的，直到他們想要的兒子出生為止。他認(rèn)為，假如他們能被立馬保證會(huì)生一個(gè)兒子，那么，那些起先出生的女兒就不會(huì)出生了，因而人口增長(zhǎng)率就會(huì)降低。性別選擇在阻止更廣泛的人口過(guò)剩的斗爭(zhēng)中成了一項(xiàng)工具。

　　But how did an obsession of Western policymakers turn into the widespread practice ofdestroying female fetuses in Asia? Partly, argues Ms Hvistendahl, through aid. The Ford andRockefeller Foundations gave over $3m to the All-India Institute of Medical Sciences inthe 1960s, helping it to pioneer Indias first amniocentesis tests, initially for geneticabnormalities and later for identifying fetal sex. India at that time was the World Banks biggestclient, and the bank made loans for health projects conditional on population control.

　　然而，西方政策制定者們的癡迷如何轉(zhuǎn)變成了破害亞洲女性胎兒的普遍做法呢?赫弗斯坦托爾女士認(rèn)為，在一定程度上是通過(guò)對(duì)外援助來(lái)達(dá)到這點(diǎn)的。20世紀(jì)60年代，美國(guó)福特和洛克菲勒基金會(huì)向全印醫(yī)學(xué)科學(xué)研究所提供了300萬(wàn)美元，幫助該研究所創(chuàng)辦了印度首次羊膜穿刺檢查，開(kāi)始是為遺傳異常檢查，后來(lái)則為鑒別胎兒性別檢查。那時(shí)，印度是世界銀行最大的客戶(hù)，而世界銀行衛(wèi)生項(xiàng)目貸款條件就是人口控制。