2023考研英語閱讀烏克蘭危機(jī)

　　Crisis in Ukraine

　　烏克蘭危機(jī)

　　Not the same movie

　　不是同一場電影

　　The situation in Ukraine is volatile and dangerous.The West must act

　　對于烏克蘭目前動蕩，危險(xiǎn)的局勢，西方國家必須采取行動。

　　SAME places. Same slogans.

　　同樣的地點(diǎn)，同樣的口號，

　　Same icy weather. Same villain: Viktor Yanukovych, Ukraine s thuggish president.

　　同樣的冰天雪地，針對同一個(gè)惡人烏克蘭的暗殺總統(tǒng)亞努科維奇。

　　The protesters in Kiev want him out,just as the Orange revolutionaries of 2004 wanted an election that had been rigged in hisfavour to be annulled.

　　2004年基輔的橙色革命，示威者們對競選中的舞弊行為表示抗議，9年后同樣在基輔示威者們再次抗議他的繼任。

　　Outsiders may be tempted to think that the current turmoil is simply a rerun of theprevious bout, and is likewise destined to end peacefully.

　　局外人也許會認(rèn)為目前的混亂僅僅是一次歷史的重演，最后注定將和平收場。

　　But the latest stand-off is far more volatileand much too dangerous for the West to watchblithely as it develops.

　　但是最近的對峙局面越來越不穩(wěn)定，對于西方國家來說，冷眼旁觀其發(fā)展是非常危險(xiǎn)的。

　　The biggest change is in leadership, on all sides.

　　最大的變化是全方位的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層變化。

　　In 2004 the Orange brigades had clear leaders, a definite aim and formidable discipline.

　　2004年橙色派有明確的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層，清晰的目標(biāo)和嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)?shù)募o(jì)律。

　　Partly because, in office, those leaders thoroughly discredited themselves, today s crowdslack all these assets.

　　一部分原因是因?yàn)椋谵k公時(shí)那些領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者們徹底敗壞了自己的名聲，而這些卻是現(xiàn)在民眾所缺少的。

　　The protests were sparked by Mr Yanukovych s decision to reject a trade deal with theEuropean Union, which most Ukrainians supported; but the anger goes much wider,embracing the country s entire corrupt, dysfunctional governing class.

　　示威活動在亞努科維奇決定拒絕簽署大多數(shù)烏克蘭人支持的與歐盟簽署貿(mào)易協(xié)議時(shí)一觸即發(fā)。

　　The opposition politicians who are trying to surf this legitimate fury have less control overthe protesters than social media do, and could not disperse them even if they wanted to.

　　但令人憤怒的遠(yuǎn)不僅此，還有整個(gè)國家的腐敗風(fēng)氣以及統(tǒng)治階級的功能失調(diào)。那些試圖通過網(wǎng)絡(luò)合法表達(dá)憤怒的反對派政治家比社會媒體更難控制，即使他們很想，卻也難分散。

　　The regime is dangerously different, too.

　　該政權(quán)也截然不同。

　　In 2004 the wily outgoing president, Leonid Kuchma, ultimately brokered a solution.

　　2004年，即將離任老謀深算的總統(tǒng)庫奇馬最后提出了一個(gè)解決方案。

　　Mr Yanukovych, by contrast, is loth to compromise, seeing politics as a winner-takes-all,life-and-death strugglemuch like his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, who helped tocause the crisis by cajoling him to reject the EU.

　　相反地，亞努科維奇總統(tǒng)不愿妥協(xié)，將政治看做一場贏者得天下，生與死的斗爭，這點(diǎn)很像俄羅斯總統(tǒng)，弗拉迪米爾普京總統(tǒng)，正是他哄騙亞努科維奇拒絕簽署歐盟協(xié)議導(dǎo)致危機(jī)的爆發(fā)。

　　For Mr Putin the Orange revolution was a humiliation, which he wrongly believed had beenorchestrated by the West;

　　對于普京來說，橙色革命時(shí)一種恥辱，因?yàn)樗e(cuò)誤的認(rèn)為這是由西方國家策劃的。

　　since 2004 he has himself become more ruthless, both geopolitically and towards dissent.

　　從2004年開始，無論對地緣政治還是持不同政見者，普京都更顯無情。

　　The United States, meanwhile, which leant on Mr Kuchma in 2004, has lost interest.

　　同時(shí)，2004年倚靠庫奇馬總統(tǒng)的美國對這些也失去了興趣。

　　The upshot of all this is violence.

　　這一切的結(jié)果就是暴力。

　　The crushing of a protest camp on November 30th was more brutal than anything doneduring the Orange revolution, which resembled a month-long rock festival as much as apolitical upheaval.

　　11月30日，破碎的抗議營地比類似為期一個(gè)月?lián)u滾音樂節(jié)的橙色革命政治動亂的任何時(shí)期更加殘酷。

　　This time protesters have blockaded streets and occupied municipal buildings; riot policehave beaten demonstrators and journalists; agents provocateurs have tried to discredit thecrowd and so excuse the repression.

　　這個(gè)時(shí)期，抗議者封鎖了街道和被占領(lǐng)的城市建筑，防暴警察毆打示威者和記者，間諜試圖抹黑群眾并以此鎮(zhèn)壓。

　　The security services, which wavered in 2004, have been tamed by Mr Yanukovych.

　　2004年時(shí)有些動搖的安全服務(wù)已被亞努科維奇鎮(zhèn)壓下來。

　　To minimise scruples, he has borrowed the old Russian trick of busing goons to Kiev fromelsewhere.

　　為了減少顧慮，他甚至借用俄羅斯老把戲從其他地方運(yùn)來受雇暴徒到基輔。

　　The violence could get much worse.

　　這場暴力事件可能會愈演愈烈。

　　The fire this time

　　激烈的時(shí)期

　　Even by the standards of eastern Europe, Ukraine s history is appallingly bloodstained.

　　即使以東歐的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，烏克蘭的歷史依然是驚人的血跡斑斑。

　　The memory of its 20th-century horrors has helped to defuse internal tensions since thecountry became independent in 1991.

　　自從1992年獨(dú)立以來，20世紀(jì)的恐怖記憶稍許緩解了內(nèi)部緊張局勢。

　　But it remains a fragile polity, divided between Russian- and Ukrainian-speakers,manipulated by Moscow and now threatened by a teetering economy, an ominous budgetdeficit and huge debts.

　　但是它仍然是一個(gè)脆弱的國家，受俄羅斯和烏克蘭領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者的影響，受到莫斯科的控制，和目前不詳?shù)念A(yù)算赤字，巨額負(fù)債這些搖搖欲墜的經(jīng)濟(jì)威脅。

　　Nationalism, once confined to pockets of western Ukraine, has spread.

　　民族主義，曾局限于烏克蘭西部的思想已逐漸蔓延開。

　　Irreconcilable forces are tussling for control of the capital.

　　不可調(diào)和的力量正角逐著想要控制這個(gè)國家。

　　Perhaps the protests will fizzle out in the slush.

　　也許，示威活動將會在這一團(tuán)糟的形勢下不了了之。

　　But equally this nation of 46m people, bordering on four EU countries, could combust.

　　但是這個(gè)接壤4個(gè)歐盟國家的4600萬民眾也可能會受到波及。

　　The person best-placed to avoid that outcome is Mr Yanukovych.

　　可以最好的避免這種后果的人是亞努科維奇。

　　His recordnobbling courts and the media, persecuting opponents, coddling croniesjustifiesthe protesters call for a snap presidential vote.

　　詐騙法院和媒體，迫害對手，縱容親信，他的這些記錄都作為證據(jù)讓抗議者呼吁提前舉行總統(tǒng)選舉。

　　The same goes for parliamentary elections: the Rada, Ukraine s parliament, is a nest ofscoundrels and oligarchs placemen, who should be replaced.

　　同樣的還有議會選舉，拉達(dá)，包含一群烏合之眾和寡頭政治執(zhí)行者的烏克蘭議會應(yīng)該被取代。

　　Mr Yanukovych is unlikely to allow either sort of election, but even he must see that hiscountry is becoming ungovernable.

　　亞努科維奇是不可能允許進(jìn)行這任何一種選舉，但是他必須明白他的國家正變得不受控制。

　　This week his government survived a no-confidence vote.

　　本周他的政府得到的投票數(shù)不太樂觀。

　　He should sack it anyway and, as a minimal political concession, bring the mainopposition parties into a new coalition.

　　作為一個(gè)最小的政治讓步，無論如何他應(yīng)該解散它，將主要的野黨加入新的聯(lián)盟。

　　And the West should ensure that any further violence has a high price.

　　西方國家應(yīng)該明白進(jìn)一步的暴亂將會產(chǎn)生高昂的代價(jià)。

　　By coincidence the OSCE, an international forum, was holding a powwow in Kiev onDecember 5th and 6th.

　　巧合的是歐安組織，一個(gè)國際論壇，于12月5日和6日在基輔舉行一場儀式。

　　The EU s envoys should be at the barricades, facing down the skull-crackersnot in supportof any politician but in the cause of peaceful protest.

　　歐盟特使應(yīng)該會遇見路障，面對暴亂，不應(yīng)該支持任何政黨而是弄清和平抗議的原因。

　　And the Europeans should make clear to Mr Yanukovych and his henchmen that, in the eventof an escalation, they will be punished where it hurtsthrough travel bans, and asset andbank-account freezes.

　　歐洲國家應(yīng)該讓亞努科維奇和他的追隨者清楚的意識到事件的不斷擴(kuò)大，他們將會受到旅游禁令，凍結(jié)資產(chǎn)和銀行賬戶的相應(yīng)懲罰。

　　The country may be almost bankrupt, but its ruling clique is not.

　　這個(gè)國家很有可能會破產(chǎn)，但它的統(tǒng)治集團(tuán)卻不會。

　　America should do the same.

　　美國也應(yīng)如此，

　　But the onus is on the EU. Having helped to precipitate this crisis, it cannot walk away fromit.

　　但是責(zé)任在于歐盟，它加速了這場危機(jī)的發(fā)生，但卻又離不開它。

　　Even Mr Putin, who likes his neighbours weak, should recognise that his meddling, andUkraine s own pathologies, have brought it to the brink of tragedy.

　　即使是喜歡鄰國較弱的普京也必須承認(rèn)他的干涉和烏克蘭自己的病癥最后導(dǎo)致了這場悲劇的爆發(fā)。

　　詞語解釋

　　1.destine to 注定要，命運(yùn)注定

　　The cigarette falls in love with match to destine tobe hurt.

　　香煙愛上火柴就注定被傷害。

　　Some fate is to destine to be lost, some fate will beout of a good result forever.

　　有些緣分是注定要失去的，有些緣分是永遠(yuǎn)不會有好結(jié)果的。

　　2.help to 有助于，促進(jìn)

　　Such information can also help to avoid injuries.

　　這樣的信息也有助于避免受傷。

　　Several medicines can help to reduce adhd symptoms.

　　有幾種藥物可有助于減少adhd癥狀。

　　3.riot police 防暴警察

　　Riot police fired tear-gas and sound grenades.

　　防暴警察向他們發(fā)射催淚彈和聲音手榴彈。

　　Call the riot police again.

　　再一次打電話給鎮(zhèn)暴警察。

　　4.confine to 限于之內(nèi)

　　The treatment to pulsar signal only confine to the adding of the pulsar signal by cycles atpresent.

　　目前對脈沖星信號的處理僅局限于對脈沖星信號不同周期的迭加。

　　Confine to a small space, as for intensive work.

　　關(guān)在一個(gè)小的空間里，如為了進(jìn)行高強(qiáng)度的工作。

　　Crisis in Ukraine

　　烏克蘭危機(jī)

　　Not the same movie

　　不是同一場電影

　　The situation in Ukraine is volatile and dangerous.The West must act

　　對于烏克蘭目前動蕩，危險(xiǎn)的局勢，西方國家必須采取行動。

　　SAME places. Same slogans.

　　同樣的地點(diǎn)，同樣的口號，

　　Same icy weather. Same villain: Viktor Yanukovych, Ukraine s thuggish president.

　　同樣的冰天雪地，針對同一個(gè)惡人烏克蘭的暗殺總統(tǒng)亞努科維奇。

　　The protesters in Kiev want him out,just as the Orange revolutionaries of 2004 wanted an election that had been rigged in hisfavour to be annulled.

　　2004年基輔的橙色革命，示威者們對競選中的舞弊行為表示抗議，9年后同樣在基輔示威者們再次抗議他的繼任。

　　Outsiders may be tempted to think that the current turmoil is simply a rerun of theprevious bout, and is likewise destined to end peacefully.

　　局外人也許會認(rèn)為目前的混亂僅僅是一次歷史的重演，最后注定將和平收場。

　　But the latest stand-off is far more volatileand much too dangerous for the West to watchblithely as it develops.

　　但是最近的對峙局面越來越不穩(wěn)定，對于西方國家來說，冷眼旁觀其發(fā)展是非常危險(xiǎn)的。

　　The biggest change is in leadership, on all sides.

　　最大的變化是全方位的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層變化。

　　In 2004 the Orange brigades had clear leaders, a definite aim and formidable discipline.

　　2004年橙色派有明確的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層，清晰的目標(biāo)和嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)?shù)募o(jì)律。

　　Partly because, in office, those leaders thoroughly discredited themselves, today s crowdslack all these assets.

　　一部分原因是因?yàn)?，在辦公時(shí)那些領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者們徹底敗壞了自己的名聲，而這些卻是現(xiàn)在民眾所缺少的。

　　The protests were sparked by Mr Yanukovych s decision to reject a trade deal with theEuropean Union, which most Ukrainians supported; but the anger goes much wider,embracing the country s entire corrupt, dysfunctional governing class.

　　示威活動在亞努科維奇決定拒絕簽署大多數(shù)烏克蘭人支持的與歐盟簽署貿(mào)易協(xié)議時(shí)一觸即發(fā)。

　　The opposition politicians who are trying to surf this legitimate fury have less control overthe protesters than social media do, and could not disperse them even if they wanted to.

　　但令人憤怒的遠(yuǎn)不僅此，還有整個(gè)國家的腐敗風(fēng)氣以及統(tǒng)治階級的功能失調(diào)。那些試圖通過網(wǎng)絡(luò)合法表達(dá)憤怒的反對派政治家比社會媒體更難控制，即使他們很想，卻也難分散。

　　The regime is dangerously different, too.

　　該政權(quán)也截然不同。

　　In 2004 the wily outgoing president, Leonid Kuchma, ultimately brokered a solution.

　　2004年，即將離任老謀深算的總統(tǒng)庫奇馬最后提出了一個(gè)解決方案。

　　Mr Yanukovych, by contrast, is loth to compromise, seeing politics as a winner-takes-all,life-and-death strugglemuch like his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, who helped tocause the crisis by cajoling him to reject the EU.

　　相反地，亞努科維奇總統(tǒng)不愿妥協(xié)，將政治看做一場贏者得天下，生與死的斗爭，這點(diǎn)很像俄羅斯總統(tǒng)，弗拉迪米爾普京總統(tǒng)，正是他哄騙亞努科維奇拒絕簽署歐盟協(xié)議導(dǎo)致危機(jī)的爆發(fā)。

　　For Mr Putin the Orange revolution was a humiliation, which he wrongly believed had beenorchestrated by the West;

　　對于普京來說，橙色革命時(shí)一種恥辱，因?yàn)樗e(cuò)誤的認(rèn)為這是由西方國家策劃的。

　　since 2004 he has himself become more ruthless, both geopolitically and towards dissent.

　　從2004年開始，無論對地緣政治還是持不同政見者，普京都更顯無情。

　　The United States, meanwhile, which leant on Mr Kuchma in 2004, has lost interest.

　　同時(shí)，2004年倚靠庫奇馬總統(tǒng)的美國對這些也失去了興趣。

　　The upshot of all this is violence.

　　這一切的結(jié)果就是暴力。

　　The crushing of a protest camp on November 30th was more brutal than anything doneduring the Orange revolution, which resembled a month-long rock festival as much as apolitical upheaval.

　　11月30日，破碎的抗議營地比類似為期一個(gè)月?lián)u滾音樂節(jié)的橙色革命政治動亂的任何時(shí)期更加殘酷。

　　This time protesters have blockaded streets and occupied municipal buildings; riot policehave beaten demonstrators and journalists; agents provocateurs have tried to discredit thecrowd and so excuse the repression.

　　這個(gè)時(shí)期，抗議者封鎖了街道和被占領(lǐng)的城市建筑，防暴警察毆打示威者和記者，間諜試圖抹黑群眾并以此鎮(zhèn)壓。

　　The security services, which wavered in 2004, have been tamed by Mr Yanukovych.

　　2004年時(shí)有些動搖的安全服務(wù)已被亞努科維奇鎮(zhèn)壓下來。

　　To minimise scruples, he has borrowed the old Russian trick of busing goons to Kiev fromelsewhere.

　　為了減少顧慮，他甚至借用俄羅斯老把戲從其他地方運(yùn)來受雇暴徒到基輔。

　　The violence could get much worse.

　　這場暴力事件可能會愈演愈烈。

　　The fire this time

　　激烈的時(shí)期

　　Even by the standards of eastern Europe, Ukraine s history is appallingly bloodstained.

　　即使以東歐的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，烏克蘭的歷史依然是驚人的血跡斑斑。

　　The memory of its 20th-century horrors has helped to defuse internal tensions since thecountry became independent in 1991.

　　自從1992年獨(dú)立以來，20世紀(jì)的恐怖記憶稍許緩解了內(nèi)部緊張局勢。

　　But it remains a fragile polity, divided between Russian- and Ukrainian-speakers,manipulated by Moscow and now threatened by a teetering economy, an ominous budgetdeficit and huge debts.

　　但是它仍然是一個(gè)脆弱的國家，受俄羅斯和烏克蘭領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者的影響，受到莫斯科的控制，和目前不詳?shù)念A(yù)算赤字，巨額負(fù)債這些搖搖欲墜的經(jīng)濟(jì)威脅。

　　Nationalism, once confined to pockets of western Ukraine, has spread.

　　民族主義，曾局限于烏克蘭西部的思想已逐漸蔓延開。

　　Irreconcilable forces are tussling for control of the capital.

　　不可調(diào)和的力量正角逐著想要控制這個(gè)國家。

　　Perhaps the protests will fizzle out in the slush.

　　也許，示威活動將會在這一團(tuán)糟的形勢下不了了之。

　　But equally this nation of 46m people, bordering on four EU countries, could combust.

　　但是這個(gè)接壤4個(gè)歐盟國家的4600萬民眾也可能會受到波及。

　　The person best-placed to avoid that outcome is Mr Yanukovych.

　　可以最好的避免這種后果的人是亞努科維奇。

　　His recordnobbling courts and the media, persecuting opponents, coddling croniesjustifiesthe protesters call for a snap presidential vote.

　　詐騙法院和媒體，迫害對手，縱容親信，他的這些記錄都作為證據(jù)讓抗議者呼吁提前舉行總統(tǒng)選舉。

　　The same goes for parliamentary elections: the Rada, Ukraine s parliament, is a nest ofscoundrels and oligarchs placemen, who should be replaced.

　　同樣的還有議會選舉，拉達(dá)，包含一群烏合之眾和寡頭政治執(zhí)行者的烏克蘭議會應(yīng)該被取代。

　　Mr Yanukovych is unlikely to allow either sort of election, but even he must see that hiscountry is becoming ungovernable.

　　亞努科維奇是不可能允許進(jìn)行這任何一種選舉，但是他必須明白他的國家正變得不受控制。

　　This week his government survived a no-confidence vote.

　　本周他的政府得到的投票數(shù)不太樂觀。

　　He should sack it anyway and, as a minimal political concession, bring the mainopposition parties into a new coalition.

　　作為一個(gè)最小的政治讓步，無論如何他應(yīng)該解散它，將主要的野黨加入新的聯(lián)盟。

　　And the West should ensure that any further violence has a high price.

　　西方國家應(yīng)該明白進(jìn)一步的暴亂將會產(chǎn)生高昂的代價(jià)。

　　By coincidence the OSCE, an international forum, was holding a powwow in Kiev onDecember 5th and 6th.

　　巧合的是歐安組織，一個(gè)國際論壇，于12月5日和6日在基輔舉行一場儀式。

　　The EU s envoys should be at the barricades, facing down the skull-crackersnot in supportof any politician but in the cause of peaceful protest.

　　歐盟特使應(yīng)該會遇見路障，面對暴亂，不應(yīng)該支持任何政黨而是弄清和平抗議的原因。

　　And the Europeans should make clear to Mr Yanukovych and his henchmen that, in the eventof an escalation, they will be punished where it hurtsthrough travel bans, and asset andbank-account freezes.

　　歐洲國家應(yīng)該讓亞努科維奇和他的追隨者清楚的意識到事件的不斷擴(kuò)大，他們將會受到旅游禁令，凍結(jié)資產(chǎn)和銀行賬戶的相應(yīng)懲罰。

　　The country may be almost bankrupt, but its ruling clique is not.

　　這個(gè)國家很有可能會破產(chǎn)，但它的統(tǒng)治集團(tuán)卻不會。

　　America should do the same.

　　美國也應(yīng)如此，

　　But the onus is on the EU. Having helped to precipitate this crisis, it cannot walk away fromit.

　　但是責(zé)任在于歐盟，它加速了這場危機(jī)的發(fā)生，但卻又離不開它。

　　Even Mr Putin, who likes his neighbours weak, should recognise that his meddling, andUkraine s own pathologies, have brought it to the brink of tragedy.

　　即使是喜歡鄰國較弱的普京也必須承認(rèn)他的干涉和烏克蘭自己的病癥最后導(dǎo)致了這場悲劇的爆發(fā)。

　　詞語解釋

　　1.destine to 注定要，命運(yùn)注定

　　The cigarette falls in love with match to destine tobe hurt.

　　香煙愛上火柴就注定被傷害。

　　Some fate is to destine to be lost, some fate will beout of a good result forever.

　　有些緣分是注定要失去的，有些緣分是永遠(yuǎn)不會有好結(jié)果的。

　　2.help to 有助于，促進(jìn)

　　Such information can also help to avoid injuries.

　　這樣的信息也有助于避免受傷。

　　Several medicines can help to reduce adhd symptoms.

　　有幾種藥物可有助于減少adhd癥狀。

　　3.riot police 防暴警察

　　Riot police fired tear-gas and sound grenades.

　　防暴警察向他們發(fā)射催淚彈和聲音手榴彈。

　　Call the riot police again.

　　再一次打電話給鎮(zhèn)暴警察。

　　4.confine to 限于之內(nèi)

　　The treatment to pulsar signal only confine to the adding of the pulsar signal by cycles atpresent.

　　目前對脈沖星信號的處理僅局限于對脈沖星信號不同周期的迭加。

　　Confine to a small space, as for intensive work.

　　關(guān)在一個(gè)小的空間里，如為了進(jìn)行高強(qiáng)度的工作。