2023考研英語閱讀日本經(jīng)濟(jì)使命在身
A rare reformist zeal is emerging in post-quakeJapan. The government ignores it at the countrysperil
震后日本出現(xiàn)了少見的改革熱情。政府不顧國家安危，對此置若罔聞
THERE is something awe-inspiring about theJapanese on a mission. During Golden Week holidays this month, thousands of volunteershelped to sift through the muddy wreckage left by the March tsunami. Stricken roads, bullettrains and factories have returned to normal with astonishing speed. In peoples ardour torebuild, once-taboo ideas are emerging on how to reform and deregulate not just thedamaged areas but the country at large . The government urgently needs todevelop a sense of mission, too.
重任在身的日本確實有令人敬畏之處。就在這個月的黃金周假期期間，數(shù)千名志愿者幫助清理三月海嘯留下的廢墟。受災(zāi)道路、高鐵和工廠都以驚人速度恢復(fù)正常運轉(zhuǎn)。與人民的重建熱情共同高漲的，還有一度被視為禁忌的觀念，即：如何對受災(zāi)地區(qū)、甚至對全國進(jìn)行改革，解除管制。政府當(dāng)前也亟需樹立使命感。
日本工業(yè)生產(chǎn)與過去相比的變動幅度
The combined power of a quake, tsunami and full-scale nuclear accident has jolted whateversense of complacency the Japanese had about the resilience of their country. The ham-fistedefforts of Tokyo Electric Power to stem the crisis at the Fukushima Dai-ichi nuclear-power plant have exposed the company for what it is: an inept monopoly so big it could co-opt or run rings around its regulators. It should be broken up. Meanwhile, the smashed-upfishing fleets and sea-swamped rice paddies in the north-east have prompted discussion onbringing private investment into these heavily protected areas which no longer provide a futurefor the young. Many are championing the idea of special economic zones in the north-east,which would free the area from the cats cradle of rules imposed from Tokyo that hamper freeenterprise. All of these are good ideas. But they will wither unless the central governmentthrows its weight squarely behind them.
地震、海嘯和大規(guī)模核事故的聯(lián)合效應(yīng)已動搖了日本人民所謂的對國家應(yīng)對災(zāi)害能力的自負(fù)信心。東京電力公司為遏制福島核電站危機(jī)所做出的拙手笨腳的努力充分暴露了公司的本質(zhì)：一個無能的壟斷巨頭，它既可以增補(bǔ)管理人員，又可以在處事能力上遙遙領(lǐng)先于管理人員。公司應(yīng)當(dāng)解體。同時，日本東北部被摧毀的捕魚艦隊和被海水吞噬的稻田引發(fā)討論，要求吸引私人投資進(jìn)入這些嚴(yán)重保護(hù)的領(lǐng)域，因為它們不能再保證年輕人的未來生活。許多人都在提倡在東北部設(shè)立經(jīng)濟(jì)特區(qū)，從而使這一地區(qū)擺脫東京制定的各種繁文縟節(jié)，因為正是這些妨礙了自由經(jīng)營活動。以上諸種倡議均是良策。但除非中央政府鼎力支持這些措施，否則它們都將夭折。
For much of the crisis, Naoto Kan, the prime minister, has been a sadly withdrawn figure. Yetwhen he does show leadership, the public responds. His popularity, though low, rose thismonth after he unexpectedly pressed for the closure of the nuclear-power plant nearest toTokyo because it sits on a fault line. He has won plaudits for suspending plans to build morenuclear facilities. No doubt he could do more to accelerate an emergency ??10 trillion plan for rebuilding damaged parts of the Tohoku region if he were not faced by a BringDown Kan campaign within the opposition and even his own party. But he must get aroundsuch pettiness.
在大部分危機(jī)時期內(nèi)，日本首相菅直人一直是悲傷地離群索居的形象。然而當(dāng)它真正展現(xiàn)號召力時，公眾便積極回應(yīng)。福島核電站距東京最近，且正處斷層線上，菅直人出人意料地施壓，關(guān)閉了距東京最近的福島核電站，因為該核電站正處斷層線上。菅直人的民意支持率雖然很低，但本月支持率也借此上漲。他也因中止增建核設(shè)施而贏得一片掌聲。倘若不是遭遇反對黨和本黨人士發(fā)動的拉菅直人下馬運動，他定能進(jìn)一步加快10萬億日元緊急方案的實施，以用于重建受災(zāi)的仙臺地區(qū)。但他必須處理好這些瑣碎雜事。
Carpe Diet
國會之殤
To do so, Mr Kan needs to craft a message assubstantial as the challenges Tohoku faces. And heneeds debate on it to ring out beyond the corridorsof power. There are a few encouraging signs. AsTEPCOs compensation liabilities mount, Mr Kan isairing the once-unthinkable suggestion that itshould be broken up. The government may end upon the hook for many of its liabilities, but a break-upcould help spur long-overdue deregulation of theenergy sector.
為達(dá)到此目標(biāo)，菅直人首相需要傳遞一條如仙臺面臨的挑戰(zhàn)般切實的信息。他也需發(fā)動辯論，使之順利通過權(quán)力走廊。有幾個鼓舞人心的消息。隨著東京電力公司賠償責(zé)任的增加，菅直人首相公開發(fā)表倡議，認(rèn)為東電公司應(yīng)解體。這在以前根本無法想象。政府也許最終要為公司承擔(dān)諸多的責(zé)任，但公司解體可推動能源領(lǐng)域長期拖延的解除管制措施的實施。
More broadly, Mr Kan should seize the national mood of solidarity with Tohoku to persuadepeople to accept difficult reforms. Higher taxes will be needed not just to pay forreconstruction in Tohoku but also to help shore up Japans overstretched social-securitysystem. The pension-eligible age, now nearly 65, may have to be raised sharply, too.
從更廣大意義上講，菅直人首相應(yīng)借助全國人民與仙臺人民同心協(xié)力的情緒，說服人民接受艱難的改革。增加稅收不僅僅是仙臺重建所必需的，也是鞏固日本覆蓋面過廣的社會保障體系所必需的。退休金申領(lǐng)年齡線現(xiàn)在接近65，也需要大幅提升。
So far, Mr Kans message has been muddy. He has backtracked on an idea to enter talks tocreate a free-trade area known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership, even though the parts-suppliers in Tohoku that have been damaged in the disaster would benefit from freer trade. Hehas yet to spell out deregulatory proposals that would encourage private companies to invest,in Tohoku and elsewhere.
到目前為止，菅直人首相傳遞的信息一直含混不清。即使仙臺受災(zāi)的零件供應(yīng)商可以受益于自由貿(mào)易，他也出爾反爾，反對開展對話、建立泛太平洋伙伴關(guān)系自由貿(mào)易區(qū)。他尚未提出解除管制建議，這些建議將鼓勵私人公司投資于仙臺及其他地區(qū)。
His excuse is politics: with a divided Diet, it is tough to be bold. But that ignores his ability toharness public opinion for the cause. Not for years have good ideas flowed so freely in Japan.But such moods dont last. Miss this moment, Mr Kan, and Japan will rue it for years to come.
政治成了他的借口：國會分裂，想大膽改革也難。但這種托詞忽視了首相發(fā)動民眾、致力于改革的能力。多年來優(yōu)秀思想不能像今日在日本自由傳播。但這種情緒并不會持續(xù)。措施此刻良機(jī)，菅直人首相，包括日本，定會抱憾多年。
A rare reformist zeal is emerging in post-quakeJapan. The government ignores it at the countrysperil
震后日本出現(xiàn)了少見的改革熱情。政府不顧國家安危，對此置若罔聞
THERE is something awe-inspiring about theJapanese on a mission. During Golden Week holidays this month, thousands of volunteershelped to sift through the muddy wreckage left by the March tsunami. Stricken roads, bullettrains and factories have returned to normal with astonishing speed. In peoples ardour torebuild, once-taboo ideas are emerging on how to reform and deregulate not just thedamaged areas but the country at large . The government urgently needs todevelop a sense of mission, too.
重任在身的日本確實有令人敬畏之處。就在這個月的黃金周假期期間，數(shù)千名志愿者幫助清理三月海嘯留下的廢墟。受災(zāi)道路、高鐵和工廠都以驚人速度恢復(fù)正常運轉(zhuǎn)。與人民的重建熱情共同高漲的，還有一度被視為禁忌的觀念，即：如何對受災(zāi)地區(qū)、甚至對全國進(jìn)行改革，解除管制。政府當(dāng)前也亟需樹立使命感。
日本工業(yè)生產(chǎn)與過去相比的變動幅度
The combined power of a quake, tsunami and full-scale nuclear accident has jolted whateversense of complacency the Japanese had about the resilience of their country. The ham-fistedefforts of Tokyo Electric Power to stem the crisis at the Fukushima Dai-ichi nuclear-power plant have exposed the company for what it is: an inept monopoly so big it could co-opt or run rings around its regulators. It should be broken up. Meanwhile, the smashed-upfishing fleets and sea-swamped rice paddies in the north-east have prompted discussion onbringing private investment into these heavily protected areas which no longer provide a futurefor the young. Many are championing the idea of special economic zones in the north-east,which would free the area from the cats cradle of rules imposed from Tokyo that hamper freeenterprise. All of these are good ideas. But they will wither unless the central governmentthrows its weight squarely behind them.
地震、海嘯和大規(guī)模核事故的聯(lián)合效應(yīng)已動搖了日本人民所謂的對國家應(yīng)對災(zāi)害能力的自負(fù)信心。東京電力公司為遏制福島核電站危機(jī)所做出的拙手笨腳的努力充分暴露了公司的本質(zhì)：一個無能的壟斷巨頭，它既可以增補(bǔ)管理人員，又可以在處事能力上遙遙領(lǐng)先于管理人員。公司應(yīng)當(dāng)解體。同時，日本東北部被摧毀的捕魚艦隊和被海水吞噬的稻田引發(fā)討論，要求吸引私人投資進(jìn)入這些嚴(yán)重保護(hù)的領(lǐng)域，因為它們不能再保證年輕人的未來生活。許多人都在提倡在東北部設(shè)立經(jīng)濟(jì)特區(qū)，從而使這一地區(qū)擺脫東京制定的各種繁文縟節(jié)，因為正是這些妨礙了自由經(jīng)營活動。以上諸種倡議均是良策。但除非中央政府鼎力支持這些措施，否則它們都將夭折。
For much of the crisis, Naoto Kan, the prime minister, has been a sadly withdrawn figure. Yetwhen he does show leadership, the public responds. His popularity, though low, rose thismonth after he unexpectedly pressed for the closure of the nuclear-power plant nearest toTokyo because it sits on a fault line. He has won plaudits for suspending plans to build morenuclear facilities. No doubt he could do more to accelerate an emergency ??10 trillion plan for rebuilding damaged parts of the Tohoku region if he were not faced by a BringDown Kan campaign within the opposition and even his own party. But he must get aroundsuch pettiness.
在大部分危機(jī)時期內(nèi)，日本首相菅直人一直是悲傷地離群索居的形象。然而當(dāng)它真正展現(xiàn)號召力時，公眾便積極回應(yīng)。福島核電站距東京最近，且正處斷層線上，菅直人出人意料地施壓，關(guān)閉了距東京最近的福島核電站，因為該核電站正處斷層線上。菅直人的民意支持率雖然很低，但本月支持率也借此上漲。他也因中止增建核設(shè)施而贏得一片掌聲。倘若不是遭遇反對黨和本黨人士發(fā)動的拉菅直人下馬運動，他定能進(jìn)一步加快10萬億日元緊急方案的實施，以用于重建受災(zāi)的仙臺地區(qū)。但他必須處理好這些瑣碎雜事。
Carpe Diet
國會之殤
To do so, Mr Kan needs to craft a message assubstantial as the challenges Tohoku faces. And heneeds debate on it to ring out beyond the corridorsof power. There are a few encouraging signs. AsTEPCOs compensation liabilities mount, Mr Kan isairing the once-unthinkable suggestion that itshould be broken up. The government may end upon the hook for many of its liabilities, but a break-upcould help spur long-overdue deregulation of theenergy sector.
為達(dá)到此目標(biāo)，菅直人首相需要傳遞一條如仙臺面臨的挑戰(zhàn)般切實的信息。他也需發(fā)動辯論，使之順利通過權(quán)力走廊。有幾個鼓舞人心的消息。隨著東京電力公司賠償責(zé)任的增加，菅直人首相公開發(fā)表倡議，認(rèn)為東電公司應(yīng)解體。這在以前根本無法想象。政府也許最終要為公司承擔(dān)諸多的責(zé)任，但公司解體可推動能源領(lǐng)域長期拖延的解除管制措施的實施。
More broadly, Mr Kan should seize the national mood of solidarity with Tohoku to persuadepeople to accept difficult reforms. Higher taxes will be needed not just to pay forreconstruction in Tohoku but also to help shore up Japans overstretched social-securitysystem. The pension-eligible age, now nearly 65, may have to be raised sharply, too.
從更廣大意義上講，菅直人首相應(yīng)借助全國人民與仙臺人民同心協(xié)力的情緒，說服人民接受艱難的改革。增加稅收不僅僅是仙臺重建所必需的，也是鞏固日本覆蓋面過廣的社會保障體系所必需的。退休金申領(lǐng)年齡線現(xiàn)在接近65，也需要大幅提升。
So far, Mr Kans message has been muddy. He has backtracked on an idea to enter talks tocreate a free-trade area known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership, even though the parts-suppliers in Tohoku that have been damaged in the disaster would benefit from freer trade. Hehas yet to spell out deregulatory proposals that would encourage private companies to invest,in Tohoku and elsewhere.
到目前為止，菅直人首相傳遞的信息一直含混不清。即使仙臺受災(zāi)的零件供應(yīng)商可以受益于自由貿(mào)易，他也出爾反爾，反對開展對話、建立泛太平洋伙伴關(guān)系自由貿(mào)易區(qū)。他尚未提出解除管制建議，這些建議將鼓勵私人公司投資于仙臺及其他地區(qū)。
His excuse is politics: with a divided Diet, it is tough to be bold. But that ignores his ability toharness public opinion for the cause. Not for years have good ideas flowed so freely in Japan.But such moods dont last. Miss this moment, Mr Kan, and Japan will rue it for years to come.
政治成了他的借口：國會分裂，想大膽改革也難。但這種托詞忽視了首相發(fā)動民眾、致力于改革的能力。多年來優(yōu)秀思想不能像今日在日本自由傳播。但這種情緒并不會持續(xù)。措施此刻良機(jī)，菅直人首相，包括日本，定會抱憾多年。
